I had written this a few months ago and it was published in Stabroek News
No,
is the definitive answer to the question posed in the above title of this
essay. However, it will require adaptive leadership on the part of government
and opposition political policy makers to avoid drastic economic consequences
for our country.
By
adaptive leadership, I am suggesting that it would require a change and shift
from the current rigid positions from both government and opposition. This would involve engaging in
discourse that leads to concessions and compromises on both sides. Anything short of this and our country
will experience material economic damage that would take a long time to recover
from.
Are the consequences grave?
Since
before the Bill got defeated last week Thursday, there were many who were
cynical and not so convinced of the consequences of not passing the Bill. Many
felt it was gross exaggeration and fear mongering by the government and the
private sector to get the political opposition to sign on to the bill. Those who hold this view are very
erroneous in their contention.
One
only has to take a comparative examination of the experiences of other
territories that have faced such a situation. Lets take the examples of St. Kitts and Nevis and the Cook
Islands. In 2000, both these territories
were not convinced of the severity of being grey or blacklisted by the
Financial Action Task Force (FATF). For them, the cost of implementing
pre-emptive regulatory reforms was much greater than the not clearly defined consequences
of a stated Blacklist by FATF. These countries made the assumption that a
blacklisting advisory was more “bark” than “bite.” This was premise on the fact
that FATF’s blacklisting creates no obligations under international law and the
multilateral grouping had no authority to impose direct sanctions or legal
actions. However, while that is true, they underestimated the actions that
would have been taken by member and non-member states of FATF, particularly,
the US, Canada and other OECD countries. For instance, the United States
Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN), which is an arm of the Treasury
Department, issued advisory to its accounting, insurance, banking, and legal
firms flagging both countries within one month of the blacklisting and this
resulted in large financial services firms in the US withdrawing their services
from these jurisdictions for fear of being tainted by association and suffer
losses to their reputations and share prices. Other firms just weren’t willing
to spend additional resources when it came to the extra scrutiny required to
effect wire transfers through correspondent banking relationships, so they
terminated those relationships. Also, the reputational damage as a result of
the blacklist caused foreign investors to rethink their investment plans to both
destinations as a result of the high hurdles to conduct international financial
transactions, which are critical to their operations. As such new
incorporations fell off significantly.
Within a few short months both countries were reeling from the economic damage
caused by the blacklisting and they both recanted and came to the realization
that the necessary legislative and regulatory reforms were the far more cheaper
option, and thus by 2002 and 2004 respectively St Kitts and Nevis and the Cook
Islands had already implemented the necessary reforms and were de-listed by
FATF. The Prime Minister at the time of St. Kitts lamented the “massive threat
to our economic survival” posed by blacklisting and noted that: “The impact of
blacklisting goes well beyond the offshore financial sector... No foreign
investor would want to invest in a hotel, manufacturing or other real sector
project in a country that does not have the capacity to facilitate the payment
of dividends or repatriation of capital through normal banking processes.”
Way Forward
Whether or not FATF agrees to grey-list or blacklist
Guyana for not meeting the recommendation of legislating the AML/CFT, the above
two examples show that the consequences while being severe, can be reversed if
the affected country take the necessary steps to implement the FATF
recommendations (which can be done even after a blacklist advisory is in
effect). With Guyana’s example, adopting the AML/CT legislation is a critical
recommendation that must be fulfilled and can be done if our political parties engage
with an intention of achieving that.
In the Wednesday edition of Stabroek News (November
13), Speaker of the National
Assembly
Mr. Raphael Trotman reaffirmed this when he noted that the Bill could be
reintroduced if there is a pact between government and opposition
parliamentarians.
The Government representatives meet at a plenary
session with the Caribbean FATF authorities in the Bahamas during November
18-21 to report on progress made since the last review was done. It is expected
that the government will make the case to the Caribbean FATF to put off and
delay issuing an advisory that Guyana is a non-compliant country. Similarly and commendably, our private
sector is expected to aid with a petition to the CFATF authorities in the same
vein.
This is a laudable move that is worthy of a try,
however, the fact will still remain that our political policy makers would have
to meet and put the country’s interests first and offer concessions to arrive
at a collective position.
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